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留学生文化差异性对比研究

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留学生文化差异性对比研究
本文叙述并对比研究了那些出生在美国并且开始信仰基督教的第一代中国人与印度人。转换信仰投奔基督教的中国人，因为之前接受过的宗教教育，具有着十分含蓄的宗教身份认同。他们通过从根本上改变这种含蓄的暗藏的宗教身份，建构起了自己作为基督教徒的另一身份。更具体的说，信仰基督教的中国人，批判典型的中国宗教身份，并将自己与中国传统宗教信仰者们划开距离。这些中国移民通过一些象征符号，比如说食物和语言，加强了华裔的身份特征。印度的宗教信仰者则往往形成了比较明确的宗教身份认同，主要是因为在印度宗教文化与世俗文化有很密切的联系。为了构建已获得的宗教身份，印度宗教皈依者们能够同时接受被世人认为的和自己获得的两种宗教身份。同样，他们也在宗教活动中强化了印度人的种族认同感。中国移民和印度移民的对比展现了移民们如何在自己种族身份和宗教身份上的协商，以期在宗教信仰转换的过程中构建新身份。Thisarticlecomparesdifferentnarrativesofidentityconstructionstrategiesforfirst-generationChineseandIndianwhoconvertedtoChristianityintheU.S.ChineseconvertedChristiansformedimplicitreligiousidentitiesduetopreviousreligious

exposures.TheyconstructachievedreligiousidentitiesasChristiansbyradicallyrejectingimplicitascribedreligiousidentities.Morespecifically,ChineseconvertedChristianscriticizetypicalChinesereligiousidentitiesanddistancethemselvesfrombeingabelieveroftraditionalChinesereligions.
Simultaneously,
converted
Chinese
immigrantsreinforceChineseethnicidentitiesthroughsymbols,suchasfoodandlanguage.
IndianconvertsformexplicitascribedreligiousidentitiesbecauseofthecloserelationshipbetweenreligionandsecularcultureinIndia.Toconstructachievedreligiousidentities,Indianconvertsacceptbothascribedandachievedreligiousidentities.Similarly,theyalsoreinforceIndianethnicidentitiesinreligiousevents.ThecomparisonbetweenChineseandIndianimmigrantsshowshowimmigrantsnegotiatebetweentheirethnicandreligiousidentitiestoconstructnewidentitiesintheprocessofreligiousconversion.ThisstudyarguesthatIndianandChineseconvertsadoptdivergentstrategiestoconstructtheiridentitiesduetotheirdifferent

perceptionsofreligionintheircountriesoforigin.Byexaminingethnicandreligiousidentitiesconstructionasawholepicture,thisstudyenhancestheunderstandingaboutthemechanismconnectingimmigrants’perceptionofculturalcontextsincountriesoforiginandtheirconversionexperienceintheU.S.Introduction
Since1960s,theU.S.hasbeenthehostsocietyofAsianandLatinAmericanimmigrants(Wong1986.SomeimmigrantsmaintaintheirtraditionalreligionsintheU.S.(Chen2003;EbaughandChafetz2000,whileothersconverttoChristianity(Ng2002;Yang1999.Convertedimmigrantsdeservescholarlyattentionforthefollowingreasons.First,onasocietallevel,convertedimmigrantsbringracialandethnicdiversitytoAmericanChristianity(Ecklund2005.Second,onanindividuallevel,convertedimmigrantsexperienceradicaltransitionsinbothsocialcontextsandreligiousbackgrounds.Scholarsfoundthatsomeimmigrantsattempttonegotiatetheirethnicandreligiousidentitiesinthearenaofreligious

congregations(EbaughandChafetz2000;Hammond1988.AmongAsianimmigrantscomingtotheU.S.afterthe1960s,thereligiousconversionexperienceofChineseandIndianpost1960simmigrantstotheU.Smeritattention.IndianandChineseindividualsaretwolargestAsianimmigrantgroups(Camarota2012.However,unlikeotherAsianimmigrantssuchasLaosandCambodianrefugees,ChineseandIndianimmigrantsspeakEnglishproficientlyandpossesprofessionalskills(Allard2011.DominantreligiousconversiontheoriessuggesthighlyeducatedimmigrantswithsufficientfinancialresourcesconverttoChristianityinordertoassimilateintoAmericansociety(Gorden1964;Smith1978.Yet,scholarsfindthatdominantreligiousconversiontheoriesdonotfullyexplaintheconversionexperienceof“newimmigrantgroupsfromAsiaandLatinAmerica”,includingChineseimmigrants(Yang1998:237.Unfortunately,veryfewscholarsfocusonthereligiousconversionexperienceofanotherlargeimmigrantgroupintheU.S.,AsianIndians.ChineseandIndianImmigrants
ChineseandIndianimmigrantsexhibitseveral

similaritiesmakingthemidealcandidatesforthecomparativestudyofreligiousconversionexperience.BothChinaandIndiahaveexperiencedpoliticalturmoilthatmayhavedestroyedculturaltraditionsandmadeChristianityanalternativeaccessiblebeliefsystemforChineseandIndianimmigrants(Yang1998.Afterthepoliticalturmoil,astheChineseCommunistParty(CCPgainedcontrolandIndianobtainedindependence,ChinaandIndiadevelopedsimilarmodernizationstrategieswhichincludes“deliberateinsulationfromtheWorldeconomy,industrialization,andtheeconomicdominanceoftheState”(Srinivasan2004:614.Thoughthesecularization“myth”predictsthatChinaandIndiashouldbesecularbecausemodernizationlinkswithsecularization(Casanova1994;Yang2011,neitherChinanorIndiahasbecomesecularontheirwaytowardsmodernity.Incontrasttowhatthesecularization“myth”predicts,diversereligionsstillsurviveinbothChinaandIndia(Clothey2001;Yang2011.BecauseIaminterestedinparticipants’perceptionoftheircountriesoforiginandhowtheirperceptionsinfluencereligiousconversionuponcoming

totheU.S.,itisidealtoselecttwoimmigrantgroupswhoseperceptionsofreligiondifferintheircountriesoforiginmaydiffer.TheIndiangovernmentallowsreligion,especiallyHinduism,toenterthepublicspheres,whereastheChinesegovernmentadoptsrestrictivereligiouspolicies.ThisnuanceddifferencemayleaveimpactsonChineseandIndianimmigrants’perceptionsofreligionultimatelyinfluencingtheirreligiousconversionexperience.AlthoughChineseandIndianimmigrantsmayexperiencereligiousconversionindifferentfashions,immigrantsfromChinaandIndiaencountersimilarissueswithtensionsintheprocessofreligiousconversion.Religiousconversionisacomplicatedprocessthatnotonlyinvolvesreligiousidentitiesbutalsoethnicidentities.Morespecifically,inthecaseofethnicidentity,peopleestablishboundariesbythreeelements,religion,language,andnationality(Smith1978.Thesethreeelementsreinforceeachother.BeforeconvertingtoChristianity,first-generationChineseandIndianimmigrantsreinforcetheirethnicidentitiesbybelievingintraditionalreligion,

speakingChineseorHindi,andretainingtheirChineseandIndiancitizenship.Afterconversion,however,conflictsemergewhenhowindividualsbehaveisdifferentfromtheywaypeopleexpectthemtobehave.Inotherwords,forChineseandIndianconverts,thereligionisinconsistentwithlanguageandnationalityelements.Thus,peopleregardChineseChristiansbeinglessChineseethnically(EbaughandChaftez2000.ThisconflictbetweenbeingChineseandbeingChristiancanalsobeappliedtoIndians.ThepurposeofthisstudyistoinvestigatehowChineseandIndianpeopleresolvetheseconflictsbyconstructingtheiridentitiesasChineseChristiansandIndianChristiansrespectively.Iamalsointerestedinexaminingwhetherandtowhatextenttheiridentityconstructionstrategiesdifferfromoneanother.ThisstudyonlyconsidersChineseimmigrantsfromPeople’sRepublicofChina(PRC.TheextenttowhichChineseandIndianimmigrantsrejectoraccepttheirassignedreligiousidentitiesshedslightontheirstrategiestoconstructnewreligiousidentities(Cadge2005.Inthisstudy,Irelyonnarrativesofreligiousconversionexperience

amongChineseandIndianstudentsinAmericanuniversities.Mydataincludesin-depthinterviewsandobservationofmembersintheChineseChurchandBibleStudyGroupofHouston,TexasandtheIndianChurchandBibleStudyGroupofHouston,Texas.Iaskedthemtoidentifyanyconflictsbetweenethnicandreligiousidentitiestheymayencounterandhowtheynegotiatetheseconflicts.Istudiedtheirperceptionofreligionandwhethertheyfeltanyconflictsintheconversionprocess.Thisstudymayenhanceourunderstandingofhowimmigrantsconstructtheiridentitiesintheprocessofreligiousconversion.ItmayalsoprovideimplicationsofhowimmigrantshandletheculturaltransitionfromtheirnativecountriestotheU.S.ReligioninChinaandIndia
TostudythereligiousconversionprocessofChineseandIndianimmigrants,itisnecessarytohaveabriefunderstandingofreligioninChinaandIndia.ThoughtheChinesegovernmentclaimsChinaasanatheistcountry,Chinesecitizensstillactivelypracticereligion(Lai2003;Yang2012.Ononehand,whilethegovernmentonlysupportsatheism,thegovernment

mildlytoleratesBuddhism,Daoism,Islam,
Protestantism,andCatholicism(Lai2003;Yang2012.Ontheotherhand,illegalreligiousorganizationsoperateamongmasses(Yang2012.UndergroundCatholicchurchesremainthemostprominentillegalreligiousorganizationsthatencouragebelieverstocarryontheirfaithaccordingtoRomanCatholicChurchregardlessofChinesegovernment’sconflictswithRomanCatholicChurch(Yang2012.Evenofficialreligiousorganizationsconduct“illegal”religiousactivities,suchasbuildingpersonaltemples(Yang2012.Inadditiontolegalandillegalreligions,Chinesefolkreligions,suchasancestralworshipandsacrificialrituals,arebecomingincreasingpopulardespitethefactthattheyhavenotbeenofficiallyapproved(MadsenandSeigler2011;Yang2012.SimilartoChina,IndiaisalsoareligiouslydiversecountrywithHinduismasthedominantreligion(Hardgrave1993.Asthemostinfluentialreligioustradition,HinduismhasvarioussectsandHindus“aresociallysegmentedbythousandsofsectsandcastes”(Hardgrave1993:55.Additionally,Islam,Sikhism,Catholicism,Jainism,

Judaism,andotherreligionsfurthercomplicatereligiousdiversityinIndia(MinandKim2002;Robinson2004.WhileatheismofficiallydescribesthereligionofChina(Zuo1991andHinduismremainsthemostpracticedreligioninIndia(Hargrave1993;Banu2000,religiouslydiversityinthesetwoplacesinformsusofpossibledynamicsandtensionsinChinaandIndia.
Inthepresent,multiplereligionsarevisibleinbothChinaandIndia.Inthepast,however,governmentsinbothChinaandIndiaoppressedreligionincertainhistoricalperiods.TheChinesegovernmenteradicatedreligionsbyclosingallreligiousvenuesfrom1966to1979inapoliticalcampaigncalledtheGreatCulturalRevolution(Yang2012.Duringthispoliticalcampaign,Chinaexperienced“perhapstheworld’smostradicalandsystematicsecularizationprocess”(Yang2011:3.Thoughsomescholars,suchasYang(2012,arguethatChinesepeoplepreservereligiousfaithbypracticingreligionsecretlyduringtheGreatCulturalRevolution,Chinesepeopledidnotpubliclyaccessreligionduringthattime.SimilartotheChinesegovernment,in

attemptstoachievemodernization,theIndiagovernmentexcludedreligionfrompublicspheresundertheleadershipofJawaharlalNehrurightafterindependence(Mitra1991.However,unlikeChina,Indiahasnotradicallyremovedreligiousvenues.FromancientIndiatothecolonialperiodtotheresent,religionisnotonlythefoundationofpersonalbondsbutalsothebasicelementreinforcingethnicidentities(Mitra1991.Inrecentyears,theIndiangovernmenthasattemptedtotakereligiononboardandincludereligioustraditions,especiallyHinduism,inpublicspheres(Banu2000.ReligionisalwaysimportantsociallyinIndia,butthegovernment’suseofreligiontoenactlawsandpoliticshaschangedwhenIndiaisintheprocessofmodernization.China,however,hasexperiencedaradicalsecularizationprocess,whichhasledtoarevivalofreligiononlyamongmasses.
ReligiousConversion
WecanutilizeourknowledgeofthereligiousclimateinChinaandIndiatounderstandexistingliteratureconcerningreligiousconversionmodesamongChinese

andIndianimmigrants.Theinfluxofpost-1965immigrantstotheU.S.andtheirhighconversionratespromptscholars’interestinimmigrants’religiousconversion(e.g.,Chen2005;Hall2006;Ng2002;Yang1998.Duetothefactthatreligiousconversionofpost-1965immigrantsisanunderstudiedarea,thereisanongoingdebateastowhy“immigrantsabandontheirtraditionalreligionsandconverttoanuntraditionalreligion”(Yang1998:242.
Mostoften,scholarsattempttoilluminatethisquestionbyfocusingonEastAsianimmigrants,especiallyChinese.Previousstudiesmostlyutilizethedominantreligiousconversiontheoriesandobservereligiousconversionmodesfromtwoperspectives,eitherimmigrants’needsforculturalcontinuity(BankstonandZhou1995;Warner1997ortheirdemandsforassimilation(Gordon1964;Smith1978.Literatureattendingtoimmigrants’needsforculturalcontinuityshowshowimmigrantsenhanceethnicidentificationbyparticipatinginethnicreligiousorganizations(BankstonandZhou1995.Studiesfocusingonimmigrants’demandstoassimilateintotheU.S.

societyimplythatimmigrantsmayconverttoChristianitytoadoptthemainstreamAmericanways(Yang1999.Yang(1998,however,conductsabreakthroughstudy,arguingthatthedominantreligiousconversiontheorymaynotcompletelyexplainChineseimmigrants’religiousexplainChineseimmigrants’conversionexperience.Morespecifically,Yang(1998arguesthatculturalcontinuity,suchasethnicidentificationneeds,andassimilationdemands,suchasupwardmobilityneeds,donotfullyshowChineseimmigrants’motivationforreligiousconversion.Rather,culturalcontexts,especiallypoliticalstormsandsocialturmoilinChina,facilitateChineseimmigrants’conversiontoChristianitybecausethesesimmigrantshaverequestsfornewreligiousbeliefsystemswhentraditionaloneshavecollapsed.BasedonYang’s(1998research,Hall(2006furtherdividestheseculturalcontextelementsintotwocategories,theopennessfactorandthereceptivityfactor.TheopennessfactorcanbeexemplifiedbythecollapseoftraditionalChinesecultureandthedominanceofWesternmodernization.ThesefactorsmakeChinese

immigrantsmoreopentoreligiousconversion(Hall2006.ThereceptivityfactorincludestheprestigeofChristianityandcommonalitiesbetweenChristianitymoralsandConfucianvaluesthatmakeChineseimmigrantsmorereceptivetoconversion(Hall2006.DifferentfromYang(1998andHall(2006,Ng(2002questionsthedominantreligiousconversiontheorybystatingthatethnicidentificationandassimilationdemandsarenottwoseparateprocesses.Instead,theyaretwoperspectivesoccurringonecomplicatedreligiousconversionprocess(Ng2002.
ComparedwiththeirChinesecounterparts,convertedIndianshavenotreceivedmuchscholarlyattention.SomeliteraturediscussestheexpansionofChristianityinIndiaandstatesthattheinfluxofWesterncultureincolonialperiodspopularizesChristianityinIndia(Robinson2006.However,implicitly,studiesconductedintheU.S.reinforcetheserotypeofIndiansasHindusbylargelyfocusingontheroleHinduismplaysintheacculturationofIndianimmigrants(Kurien1999;SdowskyandCarey1988.OnlyafewstudiesexaminetheexperienceofIndian

ChristiansintheU.S.WhatremainsevenmoreelusiveistheexperienceofconvertedIndians.ResearchersconcludethatdominantreligioustheoriescannotfullydiscusstheconversionexperienceofalargegroupofnewAsianimmigrants,namelyChinese(Hall2006;Ng2002;Yang1998.Surprisingly,few,ifanystudiesinvestigatewhetherdominantreligiousconversiontheoriescompletelyexplainthereligiousconversionstoryofthesecondlargestAsianimmigrantgrouptotheU.S.,theIndians(Camarota2012.ReligionandEthnicity
Religionisacentralcomponentinfluencingimmigrants’livesintheU.S.Forexample,Kurien(1999showsthatreligionconstrainsHinduwomenonthelocalethniccommunitydimensionwhileempowersHinduwomenonthehouseholddimension.ReligiousinstitutionisalsoanagencythroughwhichimmigrantscanpossiblytransformtheU.S.societybycivicparticipation(Ecklund2005.Tohaveabetterunderstandingabouttherolereligionplaysinimmigrants’life,itisimportanttounderstandtherelationshipbetweenreligiousandethnicidentitiesforimmigrants.

Immigrants’religiousandethnicidentitiesareintertwinedwitheachother(Greeley1971;Hammond1988;Smith1978.InAmericansociety,“religionplaysanethnicfunction”and“ethnicityhaspowerfulreligiousovertone”(Greeley1971:42.Tosomeextent,withthemigrationexperience,theimportanceofreligiontoethnicidentificationoutweighstheimportanceoflanguageandnationality(Smith1978.Therefore,scholarsarguethatreligionplaysacentralroleforimmigrants’ethnicidentityreproduction(EbaughandChafetz2000.
Giventotheimportanceofreligionforimmigrants,researchershaveexaminedtheconnectionbetweenreligiousandethnicidentitiesfromdifferentangles.Someofthem,suchasEbaughandChafetz(2000,concentrateonhowimmigrants’religiouscongregationsreproducetheirethnicitybyimitatingethnicsymbols,includingarchitecturestyles,food,andceremonialprocedures.Bydoingso,religiousinstitutions“providethephysicalandsocialspaces”forimmigrantsto“reproducemanyaspectsoftheirnativecultures”(EbaughandChafetz2000:385.Others,

suchasCadge(2005,focusonhowimmigrants’ethnicidentityinfluencesreligiousorganization.ByshowinghowThaiimmigrantBuddhistsbringtraditionalcustomsandscripturesintotheThaiBuddhistTempleintheU.S.,Cadge(2005demonstrateshowethnicidentitiesimpactreligiousorganizations.Moststudies,however,establishtheirargumentsontheassumptionthatreligionandethnicityarenotatoddswithoneanotherforimmigrants.Unfortunately,fewscholarsstudytheconnectionbetweenreligiousandethnicidentityintheprocessofreligiousconversion.Religion’sroleinethnicidentityconstructionbecomescomplicatedasimmigrantsconverttoanon-traditionalreligionthatsharesfewcommonalitieswiththeirsecularcultures,customs,andevenlanguages.ThisisthecaseforChineseandIndianimmigrantswhoconverttoChristianity.
Christianity,aWesternreligionwithshorthistoryinbothChinaandIndia,sharefewsimilaritieswithChineseandIndianimmigrants’nativecustoms(Robinson2003;YangandEbaugh2001.Buddhism,Daoism,andConfucianismhaveembeddedinChinesesocietyfor

morethantwothousandyears(YangandEbaugh2001,whereasChristianity“hasbeenaminorityreligionwithashorthistory”(YangandEbaugh2001:373.ByadoptingChristianity,ChineseChristiansareconsideredasgettingridoftheirChineseethnicitiesandbecomewesternized(EbaughandChaftez2000.IndianconvertsarefacingsimilarconflictsbetweentheirnativecustomsandtheirnewlyadoptedChristianreligion.Indianimmigrants’ethnicidentitieslargelydependonHinduism,sinceHinduismremainssocentraltoIndianculture(Hardgrave1993.Forexample,theHindugestureforgreetingindividualsarecreatedinthecontextofIndiancultureandsimultaneouslylegitimizesIndianculture(Fuller2004.Yet,IndianChristians,especiallyconvertedChristians,canhardlyenhanceethnicidentityby“preservingreligiousfaithandobservingreligiousrituals”(Min2003:125.Fromexistingliterature,werealizethattherelationshipbetweenreligiousandethnicidentitybecomescomplicatedforChineseandIndianimmigrantswhoconvertedtoChristianity,sincetheirethnicandreligiousidentitiesareinconsistentwitheachother.

ResearchSites
ToexaminehowconvertedChineseandIndianimmigrantsdealwiththeconflictsbetweenreligiousandethnicidentities,Istudiedfirst-generationChineseandIndianimmigrantswhoconvertedtoChristianity.IselectedmyresearchsettingsinoneChinesechurch,HopeFamilyChineseChurch(HFCCandoneIndianChurch,HolySpiritIndianChurch(HSIC.[1]BothofthemarelocatedinHouston,Texas.HFCCwasestablishedfifteenyearsago.WiththeinfluxofChineseimmigrants,includingimmigrantsfromHongKong,Taiwan,MainlandChina,andotherChinesesocietiesinSouthEastAsia,theneedforChinesereligioussitesintheU.S.increased.Thus,severalearlierimmigrantsfromHongKongestablishedthischurchandgainedmembersbyprovidingEnglish,Cantonese,andMandarinreligiousservice.WhileHongKongimmigrantsestablishedHFCC,themajorityofchurchgoersintheMandarinservicecomefromMainlandChina,whichisconsistentwiththegoalofthisstudy.TheIndianChurch,however,hasalongerhistory.Itwasestablishedaroundthe1970swhentherewereonly

afewIndianChristiansinHouston.WiththeincreaseofIndianimmigrantsandtheincreaseofIndianimmigrants’needsforreligiousactivities,earlierIndianimmigrantsbuiltandexpandedtheIndianchurch.Methods
ThisstudyisbasedonthedatacollectedfrommidFebruarytolateApril2013.Igavepseudonymsforallparticipantsandalltheiridentifiableinformationisconfidential.Torecruitparticipants,IcontactedcorestudentmembersintheIndianandChinesechurch.Thesecorestudentmembersgavemeaccesstoparticipateintheirevents,suchastheFridaynightevangelizingevent,Sundaymorningworshipevent,andBibleStudies.Ishowedmyidentityasaresearcherbyintroducingmyselfasasociologystudentintheseobservations,especiallyinHFCC.AsaMainlandChinese,Iwasapartialinsiderinthisresearch.Bydisplayingmyidentityasanoutsider,myparticipantsgavememoredetailedinformationabouttheirbeliefsandconversionfeelings.Inmyobservation,Iactivelyrecruitedpotentialparticipantsforinterviews.DuringmidFebruarytomidMarch,Iconducted

interviewswithChineseconvertedChristians.FiveChineserespondentsparticipatedintheinterviewwithanagespanfrom22to30.Threeofthemwerefemalesandtwoofthemweremales.Forpracticalreasons,IdeliberatelyfocusedonChinesestudentsduetotheiraccessibilityinsuchashortperiodoftime.Interviewquestionsincludedrespondents’previousreligiousidentitiesandpractice,theirperceptionofreligioninChina,theirfeelingsaboutidentityconflicts,theconversionprocess,andthedifferencesbeforeandafterconversion.AllinterviewswithChineserespondentswereconductedinMandarins.Inthispaper,ItranslatedquotesfromMandarintoEnglishwithoutchangingrespondents’tones.Withrespondents’permission,IrecordedallfiveinterviewsforChinesestudentsandtranscribedthefirstthreeofthem.Fortherestofinterviews,Ilistenedtotherecordsandwrotedownthemesconcerningidentityconstructionthatrepeatedlyappeared.
FrommidMarchtolateApril,IinterviewedIndianconverts.TwoIndianparticipantsacceptedmyinterviewinvitation.Bothofthemweremales.Oneof

themwas26andtheotherwas30.IaskedtheIndianparticipantsthesamequestionsastheChineserespondents.InterviewswithIndianrespondentswereconductedinEnglish.Withparticipants’consent,Irecordedthesetwointerviews.ThoughIdidnottranscribethem,Ilistenedtotheseinterviewsandfoundcommonthemesincaseofidentityconstructioninthesetwointerviews.AsanoutsiderofmyIndianparticipants,theyweremoreconcernedabouttheirconfidentialityandthesnowballsamplingproceduremovedmuchslowerthanthatwithmyChineseparticipants.Findings
Scholarshaveconcludedthatidentitiesarenotessentialcategories(Cerulo1997.Peopleconstructidentities“inaccordwithreigningculturalscriptsandcentersofpower”(Cerulo1997:387.Identityconstructionisacentraltopicforsociologyofreligion.Yet,studiesconcerningreligiousidentitylargelyfocusonhowbelieverschoosereligiousidentitiesduetotheinfluenceofthemarkettheory.Theprevalentmarkettheorydescribesareligious

economyas“a‘market’ofcurrentandpotentialadherents,asetofoneormoreorganizationsseekingtoattractormaintainadherents”(StarkandFinke2000:193.Thistheoryassumesreligiousbelievers,particularlyreligiousbelieversintheU.S.,asconsumerswhochoosetheirreligiousidentitiesbasedonrationalchoice(StarkandFinke2000.Forconvertedimmigrants,religionservesasa“bridge”connectingtheircountriesoforiginandthehostingsociety(BankstonandZhou1995;Williams1988.Thus,weshouldfocusonboththeirchosenreligiousidentitiesintheU.S.andtheirassignedreligiousidentitiesintheircountriesoforigin.Thisparticularfeatureofconvertedimmigrants’religiousidentitiesinformmetoanalyzetheiridentityconstructionusingtheconceptofascriptionandachievement(Cadge2005.
AnthropologistRalphLinton(1936wasthefirstonewhoappliedtheconceptasascriptionandachievementonsocialstatus.AccordingtoLinton(1936,individualschoosecertainthings“thatareascertainableatbirth”andutilizethemas“reference

pointsfortheascriptionofstatus”(Linton1936:115.Inadditiontoascriptionofstatus,thereare“avaryingnumberofstatuseswhichareopentoindividualachievement”(Linton1936:128.BasedonLinton’s(1936theory,Cadge(2005extendsthedivisionbetweenascribedandachievedstatustoreligiousidentities,arguingthatascribedidentitiesarereligiousidentitypeopleinheritfromtheirculturalbackgrounds,mainlyfromtheirfamilies(Cadge2005.Achievedidentities,ontheotherhand,arereligiousidentitiesconstructedbybelievers’personalchoice(Cadge2005.Inthisstudy,Iemployascribedandachievedidentityinthecaseofreligiousconversion.IexaminehowChineseandIndianconvertedChristiansnegotiatebetweentheirpreviouslyascribedreligiousidentitiesandtheirachievedChristianidentities.Thisarticlearguesthatbynegotiatingbetweenreligiousandethnicidentities,ChineseandIndianimmigrantsconstructnewidentitiesasChineseChristiansandIndianChristians.
Beforeshowingmoredetailedfindingsininterviews,itishelpfultoobservehowChineseandIndian

Christiansconnecttheirascribedidentitywiththeirachievedidentityinreligiousevents.InaFridayNightEvangelizingEventatHFCC,aguestspeakerfromMainlandChinagavealecturetoreinforcechurchmembers’beliefinChristianityandevangelizingnon-Christians.Attheverybeginningoftheevent,shetoldusastoryaboutpoisonsteamedbuns.“WhenIwasinChinareceivingtrainingaboutevangelizing,Iwantedtobuyseveralsteamedbunsfordinner”,shesaid.“Allsteamedbunsinthemarketlookwhiteandgood.Yet,myfriendtoldmethatIshouldnotbuythosewhitesteamedbunsbecausetheycontainopticalbrightener,whichwillpotentiallycausecancerinthelongterm.”Thenshetransitedhertopicfrompoisonsteamedbunstoreligiousbeliefs,“WhysomanyimmoralthingshappenedinChina?ItisbecauseChinesepeopledon’treallybelieveinreligions,especiallyChristianity”.Tostartherspeech,thisguestspeakerattemptedtoconnectChinesesocietywithbeingaChineseChristianintheU.S.bycrudelycriticizingwhatishappeninginChinaandattributingittothelackofreligiousbeliefs.

Afterseveralweeks,ataSundayMorningWorshipEvent,theIndianpastorgaveaspeechentitled“MoneyMatters.”Tobeginhisspeech,thepastorsaid,“atleastinIndia,peopleliketoaskeachother‘howmuchmoneydoyoumake?’Ouridentityissocloselyrelatedtomoney.Judgingmoneyisjudgingus.”SimilartotheguestspeakerintheHFCC,thepastoralsotalkedaboutastoryconnectingIndiatotheU.S.However,differentfromtheChineseguestspeaker,theIndianpastordidnotnegativelyjudgeanythinginIndia.Rather,heusedthestrategytoconnectchurchmembers’ethnicidentitywiththeirreligiousidentity.
BoththeChineseguestspeakerandtheIndianpastorconnectedimmigrants’countriesoforiginwithbeingChristiansintheU.S.toallowChristianitytoservepracticalpurposeforChineseandIndianimmigrants.Theyshareanemphasisonhowtointerpretascribedreligiousidentitiesinimmigrants’countriesoforigin.ThesetwodivergentsceneshappeninginHFCCandHSICforeshadowChineseandIndianChristians’distinctivestrategiestoconstructtheiridentitiesasChineseChristiansandIndianChristians.

VendingMachine:ReligiousandEthnicIdentityinHFCC
ThoughtheChinesegovernmentalwaysclaimsitselfasanatheistgovernmentandattemptstoestablishanatheistcountry(Cox2007;Yang2012,alloftheChineseparticipantshadpreviousreligiousexposures.MostofthempracticedBuddhismwiththeirparentsorgrandparents.Forexample,NinaWang,asecondyearPhDstudentwhocametotheU.S.fouryearsago,wenttoBuddhisttempleswithhermotherandgrandmother.Sheremembered,“IwenttotheBuddhisttemplebeforemyentranceexaminationbecauseoftheinfluencefrommymotherandmygrandmother.Aftergettinggoodscoresontheentranceexamination,IwentbacktothetempletothanktheBuddha.”SimilarwithNinaWang,CatherineWu,afemalejuniorstudent,toldmethatshewenttoBuddhisttemplesduringtraditionalfestivaltime.Catherinesaid,
Iwaspretty‘pious’atthattime.Ididn’tbuyjosssticksoutsidethetemple.Iboughttheminsidethetemple.MyparentsalwaystoldotherpeopleproudlythatIwasreallypious.

Interestingly,NinaWangandCatherineWu’spreviousexposurestoBuddhismdidnotascribetheirreligiousidentities.WhenIaskedthemwhethertheybelievedinreligionbeforecomingtotheU.S.Nina,thestudentwhowenttotheBuddhisttemplebeforetheentranceexaminationsaid,“no,no,notatall.”Catherine,thegirlwhopracticedBuddhism“piously”alsodeniedherreligiousidentity.Sheexplained,
Idon’tthink[Ihadreligiousidentities],butIamnotanatheist.Ibelievedindeities,butIdidn’tbelieveindeitiesfirmly.Ididn’tknowwhatIwant[incaseofreligiousbeliefs]andIwasnotinterestedinfindingout.
TheirnarrationofreligiousidentitiesdisplaysthatNinaWang,CatherineWuandsomeothersseparatedreligiouspracticefromreligiousidentitiesandbeliefs.TheirbirthinBuddhistfamiliesdidnotexplicitlyassignthemBuddhistidentities.
AlthoughChineseconverts,suchasNinaandCatherine,donothaveexplicitlyascribedreligiousidentities.Theyadoptstrategiesasradicallyrejectingtheirimplicitascribedreligiousidentities

andmovingtoachievedreligiousidentities(Cadge2005.JeniferLi,oneofthefemaleparticipantswhocametotheU.S.sixyearsagohadreligiousexposuresinChinesefolkreligions,suchasfortunetelling(SuanMing.SimilartoNinaandCatherine,Jeniferdidnothaveanyexplicitascribedreligiousidentities.Yet,whenshetalkedabouttypicalChinesereligiouspractice,shecriticizeditbyanalogizingitas“treatingtheirGodsasavendingmachine.”Sheexplained,
Theso-calledChinesereligiousbelieverstreattheirgodsasavendingmachine.Theyputcoinsinitandtheirgodswillgivethemsomepracticalgoods….Bydoingthis,theylostopportunitiestolearnabouttheirreligions.
AlthoughJeniferLididnotexplicitlystateherascribedreligiousidentity,heranalogyof“vendingmachines”revealshereagernesstorejecttheimplicitascribedidentityasabelieverofChinesetraditionalreligions.WhatChineserespondentstrytodoisjudgingtypicalChinesereligiousidentitiesas“fakeBuddhists”,“vendingmachine”,“theydon’tknow

whattheyaredoing”togetridoftheirimplicitlyassignedreligiousidentityasaChinesetraditionalreligiousbeliever.CatherineWu,theChinesestudentwhowenttothetemplepiouslyalsocriticizedthetypicalChinesereligiouspractice.ShedoesnotthinkthetypicalChinesereligiouspracticeasanindicatorforChinesepeople’sreligiosityandreligiousbeliefs.WhenshetalkedaboutChineseBuddhist,Catherinecommented:
Theygotothetemple,buttheydonotnecessarilybelieveinBuddhism.Theygotherebecauseothersgothere.Theyhavepracticalneedsandtheythinkitisgoodwill.Alsoitisachancetogooutingwithfamilies.Sotheygotothetemple,buttheydon’treallybelieveinBuddhism…YoucanseethedifferencesbetweenrealBuddhistsandfakeBuddhists.Oh,Idon’tmeantheyarefakeBuddhists,buttheydon’tbelieveinBuddhismseriously.
AccordingtoCatherine,being“real”religiousbelieversincludesreadingscriptures,knowingcorereligiousvalues,andparticipatinginreligiouspracticeregularly.ThoughCatherinedidnot

specificallylinkChinesereligiouspracticewithanalogieslikevendingmachines,shecriticizedtypicalChinesereligiouspracticeandstatedthatreligiousbeliefsshouldstemfromspiritualneedsinsteadofpracticaldemands.
FormyChineserespondents,settingboundariesbetweentheirimplicitascribedreligiousidentitiesandachievedreligiousidentitiesisthefirststepfortheminconstructingtheiridentitiesasChristians.Aftersettingboundaries,theydeliberatelydistancethemselvesfrom“typical”Chinesebelievers.WhentheyreflectedtheirChristianreligiouspractice,theyemphaticallyavoidedmentioningtheirpursuitsofpracticalgoodswhentheypraytoGod.NinaWang,thesecondyearPhDstudentwhowenttothetemplebeforeherentranceexaminationtoldmethatsherecentlyfacedahugeissueshedidnotknowhowtoresolve.Atthattime,Iclosedmyeyesandprayedinmyoffice.ItoldGodthatIdidn’tknowwhattodo.IwishedthatGodcouldcomfortme…[Afterthepray],Ifeltwarmdeepinmyheart.ThisiswhatIfelt.
Afterthat,shepurposelydeniedthatGodofferedher

somepracticalgoodsbyhelpinghertoresolvetheissue.
ItdoesnotmeanthatGodhelpedmetosolvethetrouble.No,itdoesn’t.Idon’tknowhowtoarticulateit.WhenyoulearntobehumbleandwhenyoulearntogiveyourcreditstoGod,yourlifewillbecomebetter.Inherdiscourse,shedeliberatelydistancedherselffromthosereligiousbelieverswhoasktheirgodstoofferthempracticalgoods.EventhoughinherstoryGodhelpedherovercomepracticaldifficulties,shereiteratedthatsheonlygainedspiritualcomfortingGodandnotpracticalgoods.
ByinteractingwithmyChineseparticipantsabouttheirunderstandingsofreligioninChina,IfoundtheirperceptionsofChinesesocialcontextindicatewhyChineseparticipantsradicallyrejecttheirascribedreligiousidentitieseventhoughtheirascribedreligiousidentitiesarenotexplicit.Intheinterviews,myChineserespondentstoldmehowtheGreatCulturalrevolutionclosedallreligiousvenuesandpreventthemfromreceivingreligiousexposurethrougheducationandpublicmedia.JasonZhang,a

firstyearmasterstudentarrivedintheU.S.sixmonthsagousedtheword“brainwashing”todescriberestrictivereligiouspoliciesinChina.Inthepastthirtyyears,Chinesegovernmentgraduallystartedtoacceptreligionsandapprovedseveralofficialreligions.Yet,publicmediascontrolledbythegovernmentstillrelateunapprovedreligions,suchasfolkreligions,assuperstitions(MiXin.Influencedbytheatheistgovernmentanditscriticismtosuperstition,mostChineseconvertsperceiveChinesetraditionalreligionsaseithersecularcultureorsuperstitions.Thus,toestablishtheir“real”religiousidentitiesasChristians,theychoosetoadoptthestrategyofradicallyrejectingtheirascribedreligiousidentities.
Chineseimmigrants’rejectionofascribedidentitiesisonlyconfinedinreligiousidentities.Theirrejectionofascribedreligiousidentitiesdoesnotrefertotherejectionofascribedethnicidentities.Thisobservationconfirmssociologists’argumentthatimmigrantsdonotnecessarilyequatetheirreligiousidentitywithethnicidentity(Cadge

2005.WhenChineseparticipantsradicallyrejectascribedreligiousidentities,theyreinforcetheirethnicidentitybysymbolssuchasfoodandlanguage.Inadditiontofood,languageisanindicatorsymbolizingculturalrealityandspeaker’ssocialidentity(Kramsch1998.Mostfirst-generationMainlandChineseimmigrantsattendMandarinreligiousserviceatHFCC.AtthebeginningofEvangelizingEventorBibleStudy,theysingChinesesongswithtunessimilartoChinesepopmusic.TheyreadChineseBiblesandthepastorpreachesinChinese.FoodisanothersymboltoenhanceChineseChristians’ethnicidentification(Ng2002.AftertheSundayAfternoonBibleStudy,theysharetraditionalChinesefood,suchasdumplingsandsteamedbuns.Eventhoughfirst-generation
Chinese
immigrants
usually
incorporatetheirethnicityineverydaylives,ChineseChristiansarestillusingsymbolstoasserttheir“loveforandprideintheirtraditions”(Gans1979:9.
AfterparticipatinginreligiouseventsanddiscussingwithconvertedChinese,Iascertainedthat

convertedChineseChristiansinHFCCconstructidentitiesasChineseChristiansbyrejectingtheirimplicitreligiousidentitiesandreinforcingtheirethnic
identities.
Possibly,
their
identity
constructionstrategycomesfromtheirperceptionsaboutreligioninChina.ThoughtheyrejecttheirimplicitlyascribedreligiousidentityasbelieversoftraditionalChinesereligion,theyhaveneverattemptedtogetridoftheirassignedethnicidentity.Rather,theyusesymbolsinreligiousactivitiestoreinforcetheiridentitiesasbeingChinese.DifferentPathstotheCommonGoal:ReligiousandEthnicIdentityinHSIC
SimilartoconvertedChineseChristians,convertedIndianshadevenmorepreviousreligiousexposures.Indianrespondentsstatedthatreligiouspracticewasofgreatimportancetotheirlivesbeforeconversion.Jacob,amasterstudentwhocametotheU.S.fouryearsago,convertedfromCatholicismtoProtestantismafterarrivingintheU.S.Hetoldmethatreligionwasimportanttohimonthedimensionofpracticebeforeconversion.Hesaid,

Iusedtoprayforblessing.IaskedhimforwhatIneed.Praytohimbeforehavingatest.PraytohimwhenIwantsomemarks,likegoodgradesthisstuff.IhadpraytohimwhenIneedsomething…Then,Iwenttochurcheveryweek.
JacobreflectedthathedidnotunderstandwhatCatholicismwastalkingaboutbeforeconversion.Buthedescribedhowreligiouspracticewasanindispensablepartofhislife.
Surry,aconvertedIndianwhohasexperiencedamoreradicalchangefromHinduismtoChristianity,alsomentionedtheimportanceofreligiouspractice.Heexplained,“Iprayedto[Hindu]Godforeverything.IprayedtoGodbeforestartingagoodwork.So,GodwasanimportantpartinmylifeinIndia.Practice.”ReligiousatmosphereinIndiaallowsmyIndianrespondentstohavesufficientexposuresofreligiouspractice.Thoughbothofthemhaveabandonedtheirpreviousreligiouspracticeafterconversion,neitherofthemhasdeniedtheirpreviousassignedreligiousidentityasCatholicsorHindus.Jacobemphasized,“IwasbornasaChristian,likeaCatholic.Iwasnota

Muslim.IwasnotaHindu.IwasaCatholic.”SimilartoJacob,Surryalsostatedhispreviouslyascribedreligiousidentitywithouthesitation.Hetoldme,“Previously,IwasHindu.WeworshippedHinduGods.”Intermsofpreviousreligiousexposureandassignedreligiousidentities,convertedIndiansdonotrejectthefactthattheyhaddifferentreligiousidentitiesbeforeconversion.Rather,fromtheirnarrationofreligiouspracticeandreligiousidentities,Ifoundthattheywereproudofbeingreligiousbeforeconversion.Intheinterview,bothJacobandSurryhavereiteratedseveraltimeshowIndiaisareligiouscountryandhowtheyimmergedinsuchareligiouscontext.
IndianconvertedChristians’explicitreligiousidentitiesleadtotheirstrategyofconstructingachievedreligiousidentitieswithoutrejectingascribedones.Morespecifically,theyutilizethestrategyasfindingcommonalitiesbetweentheirascribedandachievedidentities.Jacob,theconvertedProtestant,foundsymbolsconnectinghisascribedandachievedreligiousidentity.Hecommented,

InIndia,HinduismhasslightlyaffectedChristianityinIndia,becausejustlikeHindupersonoffersacrificeofflowers,aChristianinIndiawilloffersacrificeofcandles.
Byfindingthecommonalityassacrifice,Jacobreconciledtheconflictsbetweenhisascribedreligiousidentityandachievedreligiousidentity.LikeJacob,SurryalsotoldmethatdivergentreligionsareactuallydistinctivepathstoreachtheultimateGod.Therefore,hedoesnotthinkthereareanyinconsistenciesbetweenbeingaHinduandbeingaChristian.Insteadofregardinghimselfasareligiousconvert,SurrythinksthathehasmerelytransformedtoadifferentpathtoapproachtheonlyGod.DifferentfrommyChineserespondents,Indianrespondentsdonotsetboundariesbetweentheirascribedandachievedreligiousidentities.IndianconvertsacceptboththeirascribedandachievedidentitiesbyfindingcommonalitiesbetweenthesetwoidentitiesandswitchsmoothlyfromtheirpreviousreligiousidentitiestotheircurrentreligiousidentitiesasChristians.ByhearingnarrativesfromIndianconverts,Iargue

thattheirperceptionofreligiousinIndianresultsintheiridentityconstructionstrategyasacceptingbothascribedandachievedidentities.Inourdiscussions,JacobandSurrydescribedIndianas“themostreligiouscountryintheworld.”TheyreflectedhowreligionisembeddedineverycornerinIndiansociety.SurryfurtherelaboratedthefluidandflexibleboundarybetweenreligionandsecularcultureinIndia.Heexplained,
Indiaisaculturalcountry.Imean…verycultural.So,youwereborninaHinduculture.So,wehavesomanyfaithstous.Andwehavesomanyatmosphereofliving.ImeantheGodispartourlives.
Morespecifically,bothJacobandSurryregardHinduismasthemostinfluentialreligiontoIndiansecularculture.ThoughJacobwasnotborninaHindufamily,HinduismleavesimpactsonhimthroughthecloseconnectionbetweenHinduismandsecularIndianculture.Hinduismisdefinedasanadaptivereligion,whichisnotarigidbeliefsystemrelyingonasinglescripturebook(Kurien1998.Hinduismapproachesgodswithoutdestroyinganyotherreligions(Kurien1998.

AffectedbyadaptiveHinduismthroughreligiousIndianculture,IndianrespondentsregardreligionasanadaptivebeliefsystemtoreachtheGod.ParticularfeaturesofIndiancultureandHinduismexplainwhyconvertedIndiansdonotfindanyconflictsbetweentheirpreviouslyassignedreligiousidentityandtheirascribedreligiousidentityasChristians.Theyregardthemastransformingtoadifferentpathtoreachthesamegoal,whichisconnectingwiththeultimateGod.IndianChristiansinHSICnotonlyaccepttheirascribedreligiousidentities,butalsoembracetheirassignedethnicidentities.SameasmyChineserespondentsinHFCC,IndianChristiansreinforcetheirethnicidentitybysymbols,suchasdresses,decorations,andceremonies.InSundayMorningWorshipEvents,Indianchurchgoersweartraditionalformaldresses.EvenintheEnglishpreachingevent,womenandmensitseparately,whichistransplantedfromIndiatotheU.S.TheWednesdayNightBibleStudyofHSICtakesplaceinasmallapartment.Thoughthereisnotmuchdecorationinthatapartment,organizersputanIndiancarpetintheroom.Byutilizingsymbolsto

reinforcetheirethnicidentities,IndianChristiansasserttheirpridesasbeingIndians(Kurien1998.IndianconvertedChristiansconstructtheiridentitybyacceptingbothpreviouslyascribedreligiousidentityandachievedreligiousidentity.Thoughothersmaythinktheirascribedreligiousidentitiesareatoddswithachievedreligiousidentities,theyresolvetheconflictsbyfindingcommonalitiesbetweentheirpreviousreligiousbeliefsandChristianity.Borninareligiouscountry,IndianChristiansnotonlyusesymbols,suchastraditionaldresses,toreinforcetheirethnicidentities,butalsotransplantsomeceremonialelements,suchasseparationfemaleandmales,fromIndiatotheU.S.Conclusion
Examiningnarrativesfromfirst-generationChineseandIndianconvertedChristiansillustrateshowimmigrantsutilizedifferentstrategiestoconstructtheiridentitiesasChineseandIndianChristians.Theirdiscourseabouthowtheyreconciletheirascribedandachievedreligiousidentityconnectswiththeirperceptionsofreligionintheircountriesoforigin.

Somesociologistswholargelyrelyonmarkettheoryemphasizeonachievedreligiousidentitychosenbybelieversbasedontheirrationalchoice(Berger1969.ThisstudyshowsthatforimmigrantsintheU.S.,theirascribedandachievedreligiousidentitiesareequallyimportant.Theiridentityconstructionprocessdependshowonimmigrantsacceptorrejectascribedreligiousidentitiestoconstructachievedreligiousidentities.GivenmyknowledgeaboutreligioninChinaandIndia,IexpectChineseparticipantsbeingnon-religiouswhileIndianrespondentsbeingreligiousbeforeconvertingtoChristianity.Theirnarrativesconfirmmyexpectation.However,differentfrommyexpectation,comparedwiththeirIndiancounterparts,ChineseconvertswhodidnothaveexplicitascribedreligiousidentitiesrejecttheirimplicitlyassignedreligiousidentitiesmoreradicallythanIndianconverts.MydatashowsthatidentityconstructionstrategiesofChineseandIndianimmigrantsrelatetotheirperceptionsofreligiosityintheircountriesoforigin.
WhatChinaandIndiahaveincommonisthereligiouslydiversity.Yet,ChineseandIndian

governmentadoptdifferentreligiouspolicies.TheChinesegovernmentpropagandizesreligionasopiumforpeople(He2011andoppressedreligionsinpublicmediasandeducationalsystems.Afterinternalizingthenotionofreligionasopiumandsuperstitions,convertedChineserejecttheirimplicitlyassignedreligiousidentityasbelieversoftraditionalChinesereligionstoconstructtheirnewidentityasChristianswhofocuspurelyonreligiousbeliefs.Incontrast,theIndiangovernmenthasnotcloseddownanyreligiousvenuesinthemodernizationprocess.ReligionhasalwaysbeencentraltotheIndiansociety.Therefore,influencedbytheimportanceofreligionandflexibilityofHinduism,convertedIndianschoosetolookforcommonalitiesandjustifytheirconversionastransformingtoanotherpathtoreachtheGod.ByanalyzingChineseandIndianimmigrants’identityconstructionstrategiesandlinkingthemtotheirculturalcontent,IdeepenYang’s(1998argumentthatculturalcontentfacilitatesimmigrants’motivationtoconverttoChristianity.Idemonstratethatculturalcontentofimmigrants’countriesoforigininfluences

notonlyimmigrants’motivationofreligiousconversionbutalsotheirstrategiesofidentityconstruction.
Whatremainsthesameineachofthesetwoimmigrantgroupsisthereinforcementofethnicidentities.Thisobservationconfirmsthescholarlyconsensusthatimmigrantsenhancetheirethnicidentificationinreligiouscongregations(EbaughandChaftez2000.Italsoshowsthatimmigrantsdonotnecessarilyequatetheirreligiousidentitiestotheirethnicidentities(Cadge2005;CadgeandDavidman2006.Incaseofreligiousidentity,scholarsconcludethatbeingChristianisinconsistentwiththeirethnicidentitiesforsomeAsianimmigrants(EbaughandChaftez2000.Incaseofethnicidentity,researchers,suchasKurien(1998,demonstratethathighlyeducatedimmigrantsdrawresourcesfromboththeirnativeculturesandAmericanculturestoadapttotheAmericansocietywithoutentirelyassimilatingtotheAmericansociety.Thisstudy,however,investigatesimmigrants’religiousidentitiesandethnicidentitiesasawholepicture,displayinghowimmigrantsstrikeabalance

betweenbelievinginChristianity,aWesternreligion,andnotlosingIndianandChineseethnicidentities.


ByobservingChineseandIndianimmigrants’ethnicidentitiesandreligiousidentitiesasawholepictureandexamininghowtheynegotiatebetweenascribedandachievedidentities,thisarticlefoundthatimmigrants’perceptionofreligionintheircountriesoforiginmayleaveimpactsontheiridentityconstructionstrategiesinreligiousconversionprocessintheU.S.Thisideaisnovelandhasnotbeenfullydevelopedinthepast.Thisstudyinformsthatsociologistsshouldconcentratemoreonhowimmigrantsnegotiate
their
identities
inside
religious
congregations.ThedifferencesinthewaysthatChineseandIndianconvertedChristiansconstructedtheiridentitiesshowsthatreligiousconversiontheoriesshouldleaveroomforthepotentialimpactsofimmigrants’perceptionofculturalcontextintheircountriesoforiginontheirconversionexperience.Forfutureresearch,scholarsneedtostudywhethertheseidentityconstructionstrategiesadoptedbyChinese

andIndianimmigrantsintheprocessofreligiousconversionareparticularforthesetwogroupsofimmigrantsorsharedbyotherpost-1965immigrantgroups.


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