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作文范文之英文作文新老建筑

发布时间：2019-02-16 23:01:13 来源：文档文库

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英文作文新老建筑

【篇一：建筑类雅思作文高分范文及点评】

建筑类雅思作文高分范文及点评

建筑风格

modern buildings are appearing in large numbers but some people

believe that we should build our buildings in traditional styles. to what extent do you agree or disagree？

in recent years， an interesting trend has emerged. countries with long histories and rich cultures have been modernizing the quickest， especially in terms of architecture. many have criticized this as not respecting traditional

culture. while traditional architecture should be protected， however， i feel it is not necessary to stop building modern structures as we move forward.one reason for this is that modern buildings are more practical and

comfortable to live and work in. while traditional buildings might look nice from the outside， they are often not very user-friendly. modern buildings usually have lots of windows and light and are clean and energy efficient. surely this will make those inside them happier.

another point to consider is that modern buildings will give a good

impression to those visiting from abroad. consider beijing during the

olympics， for example. many foreigners were surprised to see all of the

stunning new building designs. in the long run， this will probably attract more business and tourists to the country.

of course， traditional architecture still has its value. everyone loves visiting famous historical places and admiring architectural styles from

throughout history. we should protect and appreciate such places for future generations， but at the same time， we don’t have to live in the past.

ultimately， each city needs to find its own balance between “old” and “new” when it comes to building styles， but modern buildings are for sure a positive thing. after all， if we don’t continue to explore new building styles we won’t be able to let future generations know what our period of history was like.（264 words）

harvey点评：

写作线索：首段，现代建筑必要；第二段，因为现代建筑的实用性和舒适性；

第三段，代表城市现代化；第四段；让步，传统建筑的价值。末段总结。

本文末句很有趣味，再仔细读读：after all， if we don’t continue to explore new building styles we won’t be able to let future generations know what our period of history was like.（毕竟，如果我们不继续开发新建筑的风格，我们的下一代将不会知道我们这一代的历史是什么样）历史是相对的，对于我们的子孙来说，我们现在的现代化建筑将成为他们眼里的古代建筑。

先学习下面的词汇和短语，然后再重读范文，体会它们在文中的运用词汇

emerge vi.显现出来

architecture n.建筑物

practical adj.实用的

user-friendly adj.用户友好的，方便用户使用的

stunning adj.足以使人晕倒的，极好的

admire v.赞美，钦佩，羡慕

ultimately adv.最后，

短语

in terms of在。..方面

move forward前进

in the long run从长远看

for sure确实

after all 毕竟

let sb. do sth. 让某人做某事

三分钟熟读或背诵本文最实用的三个句子

in recent years， an interesting trend has emerged.

one reason for this is that modern buildings are more practical and comfortable to live and work in.

after all， if we don’t continue to explore new building styles we won’t be able to let future generations know what our period of history was like.——摘自刘洪波2010新作《最简化雅思写作》

【篇二：专业建筑英语文章】

c i t y cultures

seeing manhattan from the 110th floor of the world trade center. beneath the

haze stirred up by the winds, the urban island, a sea in the middle of the sea,

lifts up the skyscrapers over wall street, sinks down at greenwich, then rises

again to the crest of midtown, quietly passes over central park and finally

undulates off into the distance beyond harlem. a wave of verticals. its agitation

is momentarily arrested by vision. a gigantic mass is immobilized before our

eyes.

(de certeau 1988: 91)

who built it? anon, thats who. nobody built the new york skyline. nobody

by the thousands.

(helene hanff, apple of my eye, 1984: 35)

introduction: a city imagined

on 11 september 2001, graphic images of the destruction of two of the

worlds tallest buildings - the north and south towers of the world trade

center in new york city - unfolded on television sets around the world.

the enormity and complexity of this tragedy, while manifest, were, nevertheless,

compounded by the fact that most people witnessed it as a media

spectacle. thus, it was within established media interpretative frames

(including the plots and images of countless hollywood movies) that their

initial reactions were formed. but then in many respects new york is a

media construction - the skyline of manhattan is instantly and globally

familiar even though the majority of the worlds population has never been

there and will never go. indeed, manhattan emerged as a landscape of

towers at the same time as film technology and the movie industry were

developing in the united states. it was largely as a result of this coincidence

that the manhattan backdrop became one of the most significant and defining

images not just of architectural modernism, but also of the values and

achievements of the twentieth century. manhattan equals neiy york and

new york is perhaps the worlds greatest city. it was within this set of imaginings that in the early 1970s the twin towers assumed their place both as

potent symbols of late modernity and testimonies to the global economic

power of new york and the united states. rising 411 metres above ground

level, the towers dominated the citys skyline and provided some of the most

sought-after postcard views and establishing shots of new york. the

destruction of the towers, therefore, was considerably more than a personal

or local tragedy. it was imbued with a range of national, global, cultural,

urban and symbolic significances. indeed, it went to the core of what it

meant to be modern.

those who are old enough can remember when the twin towers passed

the empire state building (also in new york city) as the worlds tallest

buildings. even in the 1970s, such facts were still regarded as important

markers of mans ability to conquer nature and nowhere was evidence of

this supremacy more visible and irrefutable than in the great cities of the

world and their architectural and engineering triumphs - in particular, their

bridges and skyscrapers. the metropolis was the antithesis of nature and the

symbol of its defeat. in order to appreciate the depth of this sentiment and

the cultural significances that the new york skyline came to assume, it is

necessary first to understand the social and economic contexts within which

its early skyscrapers were constructed and the skyscraper building frenzy

that gripped new york between the first world war and the great depression

of the 1930s.

robert hughes (1997: 404ff) suggests in his book american visions

about the history of american art that it was during this period that the

new york skyscraper emerged both as a cultural icon and artform. he

argues that from 1926 in particular, the building boom in new york was

dominated by a race to the sky - a race ultimately won by the empire state

building on its completion in 1930. skyscrapers were seen as heroic not only

because of their breathtaking height. the entire process of building them

was regarded with fascination and awe, while speculation abounded regarding

how high these buildings might eventually go. in addition, key milestones

reached during the construction of many skyscrapers became the

focus of public celebrations which often featured such attractions as girl

dancers [being] hired to perform on . . . bare girders, hundreds of feet up in

the dizzying air, for the avid media (hughes 1997: 405). needless to say, it

was opportunistic local politicians and the commercial enterprises responsible

for building the towers who staged such promotional stunts. until the

early 1930s, the construction, completion, official opening and final form

of each new skyscraper were events - central elements of the spectacle of

new york city. what developed, according to hughes (1997: 405) was a

romance between new yorkers, their skyscrapers and their city. although

all americans were dazed by the force of their new imagery (hughes 1997:

405) to such an extent that, hughes goes on to assert:

no american painting or sculpture . . . was able to accumulate, at least

in the ordinary publics eyes, the kind of cultural power that the skyscrapers

had. nor indeed, could it have done so - most americans

didnt care about art, especially modern art . . . big buildings were

always before you; mere paintings were not.

(hughes 1997: 419)

and courtesy of film, art and photography the big buildings were also

before the rest of the world, and it too was mesmerized. the landscape of

new york looked vastly different from those of european cities:

in paris, only monumental buildings devoted to sacred or governmental

institutions were allowed to exceed the height limit; in london, only

purely ornamental towers could rise above the roofscape. in new york,

however, the soaring commercial tower had already become the salient

ornament of the city-scape and the inalienable right of realtors.

(stern et al. 1987:508)

one visits new york first and foremost to see and experience its landscape.

in the passage quoted at the start of this chapter cultural theorist michel de

certeau describes the elation he felt at seeing (from the observation deck of

the world trade center) the city of new york laid out and immobilized

before him. similarly, philip kasinitz (1995), echoing de certeau, celebrates

the worlds great cities (and the significant structures we gaze on them

from) in the following way:

the exhilaration we feel when we view a great city from one of those

rare vantage points where one can take it all in - paris from the eiffel

tower, lower manhattan from the brooklyn bridge - is the thrill of

seeing in one moment the enormity of . . . human work.

(kasinitz 1995: 3)

despite the exhilaration that might be felt when viewing a great city from

the top of a great built structure, our feelings towards the city and its skyscrapers are also deeply contradictory, being simultaneously sources of

exhilaration, fear and apprehension - cities are great as well as fearsome

(zukin 1997: vii). they also represent the basest instincts of human society

(zukin 1997: 1). we are aware of this ambiguity even as we celebrate them

- we are both attracted and repelled. viewing a city from a great height is

a way of taming it. however, the observer is also rendered ifolnerable by the

experience. in order to journey to the top of a skyscraper one must trust in

the knowledge and skills of countless faceless experts - builders, engineers,

labourers, maintenance workers and architects. this trusting is, as anthony

giddens (1990) explains, a core feature of late modernity. the helplessness

felt when watching the wounded towers of the world trade center crumble

onto the streets of lower manhattan revealed the ambivalence with which

we regard the skyscraper and the fragility of our trust in the expert knowledge

systems on which we rely.

in art, too, the darker side of our relationship with the city and the skyscraper

has also been explored/exposed. the citys looming shapes frequently

have been compelling symbols of danger and the unknown even as

they speak of progress, modernity and the future. for instance, the plays of

light and shade featured in hugh ferrisss (1929, 1953) architectural renderings

of new york in the 1920s create brooding landscapes that capture

the conflicting emotions stimulated by cityspace and the skyscraper. in many

of ferrisss drawings the tops of skyscrapers are shrouded in shadow while

their bottoms - those edges encountered on the street - are luminous. the

result evokes notions of the known and the unknown. what is known is

what can be seen at street level, while what is unknown looms in the twilight

above. in representing the ideas and urban imaginings of those architects

who were at the forefront of reshaping the manhattan skyline, ferrisss

work was as much about the city as its future was being imagined during

this period of skyscraper-building as it was about the city at the time. his

representations were of an urban and architectural utopia that was inspired

by the present and made possible by contemporary technology but which

was yet to take shape.

many key themes in the study, interpretation and experience of cities

coalesced around the events of 11 september and, thus, this moment points

to a host of issues that underpin the concerns of this book - in particular,

the nature of (post)modern urbanism, the ambivalent relationship that exists

between people and their cities, and the various ways in which this relationship

is shaped through experience, imagination and power. the academic

study of the city is an endeavour that can be traced back to the nineteenth

century and the work of the founding fathers of sociology, including karl

marx, friedrich engels and max weber. sociology was concerned with

industrialization and modernity - and as cities were the places where the

consequences and contradictions of both were most evident and most profoundly

experienced, they became the almost accidental objects of their

attention. during the twentieth century, however, a specific urban subdiscipline

developed within sociology and continues to be a major field of

enquiry. the concerns of urban sociologists have been varied, though, not

just in terms of their particular urban object of study but also methodologically

and theoretically. research has focused variously on such issues as

defining and quantifying urbanism, exploring the relationship between the

city and society, and investigating the role of the state in framing urban

development. thus urban sociology has connected with and informed the

work of many within other disciplines, including human geography, urban

planning, economics and urban history.

since the 1970s, the city has become a source of fascination for those

working outside established urban studies traditions as an increasing

number of cultural theorists started to focus on the city as it is lived rather

than on its structures and patterns. at the same time sociology and its established methods and interpretative frames were (paradoxically) both being

challenged and augmented by the insights of cultural theory. the result of

these differing influences has been the opening of a number of potentially

fruitful pathways for urban research and analysis, as rosalyn deutsche

(1996) explains:

now there is growing interest in interdisciplinary mergers of critical

urban and cultural discourses. on the one hand, aesthetic practitioners

- architects, urban planners, artists - have used the contributions of

urban theory to examine how their work functions in urban social contexts.

urban scholars, on the other hand, have turned to cultural theory

to study the city as a signifying object. both groups hope that encounters

between the two fields - themselves composed of several disciplines

- will expand our ability to understand and intervene in what urban

theorists call the politics of place.

(deutsche 1996: 206)

too often, though, dialogue between the cultural studies and more sociological

approaches to the urban has not been easy and attempts to bring the

considerable insights of each together have often been strained {morris

1992; deutsche 1996). thus, as academics seek to understand the fabric of

the urban environment and the cultures of everyday urban life, there are

those more sociologically informed analyses which continue to emphasize

the role of the city in fostering social and cultural inequality, arguing that

the urban landscape is implicated in structural oppression and marginalization,

in particular those based on class, gender, race and ethnicity. while, on

the other hand, many cultural studies approaches to urbanism regard the

city as a significant site of empowerment and resistance, with academics

working within this broad tradition often seeking to celebrate lived urban

rhythms, anonymity and difference.

the challenge of exploring both approaches and making some connections

is taken up in this book. cities and urban cultures seeks to make sense

of a range of culturally informed theories of the city by considering them

alongside broader (established) urban studies traditions. a central underpinning

assumption of the book is that these seemingly contradictory

approaches can, in shirting combinations, provide rich complementary conceptual and empirical insights into the complex cultures of urbanism. from

this intellectual foundation cities and urban cultures also explores some

of the key themes in the study and the development of the city since the

industrial revolution.

城市文化

看到曼哈顿110层的世界贸易中心。在霾挑唆被风吹、城市岛,海在海中,举起摩天大楼在华尔街,沉下来,然后在格林威治上升再建,安静地穿过市中心中央公园,最后undulates走开进入距离超出哈莱姆区。纵向的浪潮。它的风是瞬间被视觉。质量是一个庞大的固定在我们眼睛。

(德certeau 1988:91)

究竟是谁建造了吗?马上就来,那是谁。没有人建造了纽约的地平线。没有人成千上万的。 (海伦汉芙、苹果我的眼睛,1984:35)

简介:一个城市想象

2001年9月11日,图形图片的破坏的两个

【篇三：中英文介绍建筑物】

british villa emphasized decorative porch,compare the good window dressing. georgian style popular in the united kingdom colonial power in the whole of a century (18th century),which is introduced by the italian renaissance style,derived from the uk,and adhering to the classical principles of symmetry and harmony,is one of americas most influential kind of style.it is characterized by:

a,is often the classical facade porch;

b,lang yanxia a rectangular group arranged on the roof decorated with teeth;

c,windows up and down in pairs,divided into many small grids (9-12),usually the window is 5,the central symmetry;

d,door designs are often arranged in a rectangular form carved door with vertical arrangement of rectangular beam pattern.

there are five forms:side gable; two-line roof; four-slope roof; central gable; often as urban housing.

◎ adam style (adam)

◎ uk residential style (postmedieval english)

in addition to the indians on the united states outside the house,the oldest in britain after the middle ages when the number of residential style,and these buildings first by the british in the u.s.northeast coast of the most fertile area of the majority of the wooden structure,has been able to survive 300 years of history,it looks monotonous.the building features:

a,the steep side of the triangular roof,eaves almost no decoration;

b,wooden door,oblique grid windows,large chimneys visible refined.

it has two forms:two huts,the central chimney (north); two-story brick houses on both sides of the chimney (the south)

英国别墅强调门廊的装饰性,比较“讲究门面”.乔治亚风格在英国殖民国家中整整流行了一个世纪（18世纪）,它是由意大利文艺复兴风格传入英国后派生出来的,并秉承古典主义对称与和谐的原则,是对美国最有影响的一种风格.它的特征为：